Male Perceptions of Dance
An Investigative
Project
Joanna Fishman
Marketing & Development
Coordinator
Sydney Dance Company
Undertaken for a University
of Technology, Sydney
subject entitled ‘Cultural Politics: the Arts and the City’
as part of the Masters of Management in Arts Management program
"…only rarely have I
encountered boys and young men who have refused to participate in any form of dance"
1
"…. dancing is innate in us all, as an outlet and a form of expression After
all, we all make our dance in private" 2
This paper is the outcome of an investigative research project into male perceptions
of dance. My decision to research in this area was initiated by an underlying interest
in developing dance audiences, and based on the assumption that a very small percentage
of boys/men in Australia (as compared with women) have an appreciation for, or interest
in, dance as participants and/or spectators. I was interested in considering why
this was so, and in investigating ways in which this could be changed.
I commenced with primary research into male perceptions of dancing. I conducted approximately
twenty interviews of men and boys aged between ten and fifty five years. These were
randomly chosen and I based my interview around a series of questions I had developed
for the purpose: see Appendix 1. I also developed a second questionnaire specifically
for male dance students and professionals (see Appendix 2) to which I received responses
in writing. I also spoke with Peter Stock, founder of the Stamping Ground dance festival.
I then researched secondary sources looking at the history of social perceptions
of male dancing and how theses have been either reinforced or challenged through
the years. I also considered a variety of dance forms and representations of dance
to consider how these might impact upon, or challenge, perceptions of male dancing.
A social prejudice against male dancing — the ‘men in tights’ syndrome — evidenced
itself early on in my research (both primary and secondary), and forms the basis
upon which my project has developed.
I begin by looking at base male perceptions of dancing and ballet. I then discuss
the history of male dancing and the advent of the social prejudice against male dancing
which sees male dance suffer from a stereotype that associates it with effeminacy
and homosexuality. I then consider how this stereotype continues to manifest itself
in today’s imaging of dance, as illustrated by the comments of my male respondents.
I then assess the various efforts which have been made to raise the status of male
dance in Western society. Finally, consideration is given to how a re-imagining of
dance (in line with the reality of what it already offers) might attract more male
participation and interest in the artform.
This project is by no means a definitive analysis of male perceptions of dancing
in Australia. It is simply an investigation of how men might view dancing, and what
dancing may be able to offer, or in fact does offer, back to men. My arguments are
informed by the personal responses of the boys and men interviewed.
1 Gard, Michael "Dance,
sport and the "problem" of the dancing male" Dance Forum., 8(3), pp.
26-27 at 26.
2 Sneddon, C "Stamping Ground spawns Aussie Billy Elliots"
unpublished 6th February 2002, referring to the opinion of Peter Stock, founder of
Stamping Ground
Dance Defined
The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines "dance" as:
1. A rhythmical skipping and stepping, with regular turnings and movements of
the limbs and body, usually to the accompaniment of music; the action or an act or
round of dancing. 2. A tune for regulating the movements of a dance, or composed
in a dance rhythm. 3. A dancing party 4. Course of action: play, game.
I started by investigating what Australian men think about when they think about
dancing.
Uri, 31, sees "gay Russian guys in tights". George, 54, blurts out the
word "pansies". Dave, 22, thinks about culture, ballet and grace. When
pressed, he also thinks about Israeli dancing, of which he has some experience. Simon,
28, thinks about contemporary dance in a theatrical setting, and of female bodies.
Alex, 10, jumps up excitedly at the mention of the word ‘dancing’ and starts wiggling
his torso enthusiastically. He likes pop dancing, black rap and funk.
Hiram, 35, thinks "ballet" and "Swan Lake". Paul, 27, grew up
in the generation of Saturday Night Fever and idolises John Travolta. It is
his kind of dancing that Paul first thinks about. He also associates today’s dancing
with the dancing he sees on video clips, of which he has a vast knowledge. Max, 10,
goes to formal dance classes once a week, and so his association is with traditional
forms such as ballet, jazz and tap. Lex, 41, thinks about sex and rock n’ roll. "Dance
when there is a chance". When asked about ballet, he responds with the word
"homosexuals".
There exists are variety of dance forms and styles, as well as a multiplicity of
settings and spaces in which dancing occurs and is experienced. From ballet and tap,
to folk, ritual, salsa and hiphop, in the classroom studio, in the theatre, on the
streets, in clubs, at weddings and in the lounge room — the purpose, style and expression
of dance is various. Most of the persons interviewed thought first of theatrical
dance forms, and primarily ballet. Other forms of dancing mentioned included social
forms of dancing, pop dancing (as part of the music video tradition), and folk dancing,
although these other associations were rare, and usually prompted.
Most of the men I interviewed had a limited understanding or experience of theatrical
forms of dancing. Most had never attended a formal dance class and few had attended
more than one or two dance theatre productions in their lives. Some could recall
movies in which dancing was a theme, but, apart from Paul, 27 (for whom the movie
Saturday Night Fever had a huge impact) and Alex, 10 (who thought that "Billy
Elliot rules"), these recollections had little or no impact upon their perception
of, or interest in, dancing. Only Paul, 28, mentioned dancing in video clips and
certainly it was clear that Paul had developed a significant critical knowledge of
current dancing styles by watching them. One would assume that, due to the immense
popular appeal of music videos, that they would be an important source of dance education
for today’s youths.
Simon, 28, and Hiram, 35, both recall attending a large number of ballet performances
as children, and Simon even took ballet lessons for three years 4. Both have absolutely
no interest in theatrical dance performances, although as Hiram points out "its
not a girl/boy thing for me — I hate sport too!".
3 Simon was encouraged to take ballet
classes as a child to assist him to develop his skills as a soccer player.
The History of the Male in Dance
Interestingly, the social prejudice against men in dance (the "men in tights"
syndrome) has not always existed. In primitive societies, dance was often used as
a means of ritual, worship and celebration, and often performed by men in the dominant
role. During the Renaissance, dance was an essential component of the life of the
nobleman, who was expected to learn "to ride, to fence and to dance"4 . Dance
as a form of social activity and court entertainment then developed a theatrical
expression with the opening of dance theatres and schools (the first such theatre,
presenting opera-ballet, was opened in France in the mid-1600s by King Louis XIV).
Professional dancing was born, although the image of dancing as an aristocratic activity
remained strong.
Although the first female dancers appeared in France in 1681, theatrical dance during
this period was primarily a male activity. This changed dramatically during the Romantic
period (late 18th and 19th centuries). The Romantics emphasised ideals of unearthly
mystery, sentiment and unreality — elements associated with female expression and
therefore considered unfit for representation by men. As a result, theatrical forms
of dance became, almost exclusively, the realm of female dancers.
The rise of the middle class during this period also meant the loss of an aristocratic
model for male dancers. Modern, middle class attitudes of how men should behave insisted
on the inappropriateness of the male body as spectacle. Burt5 points to the disappearance,
during the mid 19th century, of male dancers in ballet (women tended to play the
role of both men and women at this time)6, the disappearance of male nudes in art, and to the adoption
of plain black suit clothing by men. The male body, as spectacle, was thereby suppressed
and it became ‘natural’ not to look at the male body. It was therefore the
spectacle, not the dancing itself, which became taboo for the modern male. This is
supported by the fact that dance as a social activity remained as popular with men
as with women, and men during the Romantic period continued to maintain a leading
role in social forms dancing (e.g. he was expected to ask the women to dance, and
was expected to lead the dance once on the floor).
The idea that men wearing tight or revealing clothing is taboo (and unmanly) and
the association of dance with ‘men in tights’ (which association was raised by a
number of my respondents, particularly those in their late 40s and 50s) alludes to
the incongruency of male dancers in middle class Western society.
Indeed, in white, middle class, patriarchal society, the ideal spectator (and power
holder) was always deemed to be male. Hence Berger’s observation that "Men act
and women appear. Men look at women. Women watch themselves being look at"7. This
idea of the gendered gaze was highlighted by the ideal of the female ballerina who
was there to be gazed upon and adored. Similarly, it was disrupted by the idea of
the male dancer, because the dancing male detracts attention from the female dancer
as erotic spectacle and creates anxiety for the men watching them. As a result, the
role of the male dancer was, for a long time, merely to support and show off the
female dancer, thereby diverting the gaze from himself, to her, and aligning himself
with the men in the audience8 . Interestingly, a number of the men interviewed by me referred
to a distrust in being ‘gazed upon’ in the context of social dancing. Uri, 31, rarely
enjoys social dancing because of its self conscious nature. Likewise, George, 54,
tends more often than not to avoid the "visibility" of dancing in public.
Deriving from the idea of dance as an inappropriate middle class activity for men,
came the stereotype that the dancing male was effeminate, and through this, the implication
of homosexuality. It is interesting to note however that the prejudice against male
dancers in fact developed long before an association was made between male dance
and homosexuality 9 .
Mechanisms were of course developed to enable men to continue dancing on stage despite
these prejudices. The title of ‘artistic genius’ afforded some male dancers the ability
to escape the codes of behaviour which otherwise insisted that dance was a non-male
activity 10
. Russian ballerina Vaslav Nijinsky was one such highly acclaimed male dancer. Indeed,
Russian ballet came to represent one of the only forms of dance acceptable to European
men, and right into the 1930s, the idea that ballet (and particularly men in ballet)
was a Russian artform, prevailed 11 .
4
Clarke, M & Crisp, C Dancer: Men in Dance, British Broadcasting Corporation,
London 1984, at p. 10
5 Burt, R The Male Dancer: Bodies, Spectacle, Sexualities Routeldge,
London, 1995
6 May, R The World of Ballet McMillan Publishers Limited, Hong Kong,
1981
7 Berger, J as quoted in Burt, R The Male Dancer: Bodies, Spectacle,
Sexualities Routeldge, London, 1995 at 49
8 Burt, R The Male Dancer: Bodies, Spectacle, Sexualities Routeldge,
London, 1995 at p 54
9 Burt, R The Male Dancer: Bodies, Spectacle, Sexualities Routeldge,
London, 1995
10 Burt, R The Male Dancer: Bodies, Spectacle, Sexualities Routeldge,
London, 1995; Gard, "Dancing around the ‘Problem’ of Boys and Dance" Discourse:
Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 22(2) pp.213-225
The Stereotype
11 Clarke, M & Crisp, C Dancer: Men in Dance, British Broadcasting
Corporation, London 1984,
The Stereotype
It is clear that the stereotypical image of dancing as an effeminate, essentially
non-male activity, which image was developed during the Romantic period, remains
strong today. Indeed, almost all of my respondents referred to the ‘non-masculine’
image of dancing.
George, 54, considers dance to be a "very feminine thing". Max, 10, takes
jazz dancing classes but thinks that "ballet is too girly, and tap is a bit
girly too". Lex, 41, would have liked to have learnt how to dance (in a social
setting), but recalls that "as a kid, we wouldn’t have gone to dance classes
— that was gay!". Uri, 31, thinks that dancing in a theatrical context or in
a dance studio is "risky behaviour for an Australian male". Alex, 10, admits
that "most of my friends think [dancing] is too girly". Dave, 22, would
be happy to give it a go, but admits that "like yoga, it is not a particularly
masculine thing to do". As a child, Dave had friends who took some dance classes
and says that, whilst his peers didn’t look down on them, it was nonetheless considered
to be "a peculiar thing [for a boy] to do". Paul, 27, grew up assuming
that dance was a girl’s thing because it was something his sister did. Therefore,
to differentiate himself from his sister, he never learned to dance.
Patrick, 50, an accomplished professional dancer and now teacher of dance, refers
to the "taunting" which boys who dance often receive from their peers.
Tim, 20, who started jazz ballet classes as an eight year old, had difficulty fitting
in with other boys his age, and often found himself "being called gay".
Hugh, 10, has eagerly accepted a role in his sister’s ballet concert. He is yet to
tell his friends and is planning to "keep it quiet". Dale, 23, a music
theatre performer, used to dance a lot (informally) as a kid and recalls being criticised
for doing it because it was "girly". Ian, 24, a dancer, also "copped
a bit of shit" from his friends when he started dance classes as a child. For
David, 45, the idea of taking a dance class never even crossed his mind - "boys
just didn’t think about dance classes".
It is clear that dance, as a non verbal art form, retains a lower status amongst
the performing arts than say, theatre or music. David, 45, expressed a potential
interest in attending dance performances, but always prioritises theatre over dance
when making decisions about his choice of cultural entertainment. Indeed, a standard
complaint amongst both men and women when faced with contemporary dance (which tends
to be non-narrative) is that it is difficult to follow and understand. Simon, 28,
for example, states that he only appreciates dancing in the context of musical theatre
because it is accompanied with a storyline.
In this context, it is interesting to reflect upon feminist theories of language
which posit language as a part of our patriarchal society and therefore relegate
non-language (and emotion) to the feminine realm. This perhaps provides another explanation
for society’s prejudice against male dancing.
The prejudice against male dancing is of course transferred from parent to child,
and few boys are encouraged by their parents to take dancing classes. Paul, for example,
was trained in soccer whilst his sister was the one who attended dance classes. Whilst
his parents may not have actively discouraged dance training for their son, they
did little to promote it. Dale, 23, training to be a musical theatre performer, believes
that the prejudices against male dancing start with the attitudes of boy’s parents:
"dance is not a discipline [for boys] which is encourage by many parents".
In direct comparison, Ian, 24, started ballet when he was 12 years old precisely
because he had the support of his mother who suggested he "try it out!".
Of course, there are many boys and men (and no doubt women) who do not imagine dancing
as a gendered activity. Hugh, 10, explains that "ballet has boys in it, as well
as girls" and cites the recent Australian Ballet production of Spartacus
as an example. Paul, 27, loves to dance and does not associate dancing with femininity
perse. However, Paul does perceive current popular dance trends (as seen on video
clips) as being feminine in style.
Fighting the Stereotype
Various efforts have, over the years, been made to ‘masculinise’ dancing and
many choreographers in the modern world have worked with a clear aim of convincing
audiences that male dancing is not feminine. American choreographer and dancer Ted
Shawn, and his all male company, presented works which focused on heroic images of
masculinity — such as the sportsman and ancient warrior, and he "made no secret
of his intention to convince American audiences that male dancers weren’t ‘sissies’
12.
Gene Kelly’s success hinged upon his ‘man’s man’ persona’. He "wore a shirt,
pants and a tie, and danced like a man" 13. Indeed, he even hosted a television programme in the United
States entitled "Dancing is a Man’s Game" which, as is unashamedly suggested
by its title, aimed to dispel the image of dancing as a non-masculine activity. Alvin
Ailey choreographed works which were "aggressively heterosexual" and "hyper-masculine",
which fed into existing stereotypes of (particularly African American) men 14.
During the 1970s, the London Contemporary Dance Theatre (LCDT) performed an all male
routine designed to present strong male dancers on stage. It was performed at schools
for many years and had a positive effect on the numbers of young men participating
in dance at the time 15. West Side Story was able to successfully present a tough,
urban image of young men through its choreography and the film Saturday Night
Fever (1978) inspired a new acceptance of male dancing (as well as male concern
for bodily appearance).
More recently, Australian choreographer Dein Perry created what can only be seen
as an overt attempt to masculinise tap dancing with his all male production Tap
Dogs. Tap Dogs was a staged production involving a male only case wearing overalls
and workboots and tapping out fast paced rhythms in a factory setting. The same theme
was used by David Atkins in a memorable section of the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games
Opening Ceremony.
Despite the relative success of many of these attempts to raise the status of male
dance, there is a concern that an emphasis on the (so called) masculine qualities
of dance fails to challenge, and in fact has the effect of reinforcing, norms of
homogenous masculine behaviour. That is, rather than broadening society’s understand
of what constitutes socially acceptable male behaviour (to include dance), it merely
attempts to claim that dancing is not effeminate (thereby failing to challenge the
social expectation that men should not display feminine qualities). It also reinforces
the idea that non-manly dance forms are inconsistent with male heterosexuality. As
Michael Gard points out, this threatens to make dancing yet another place where,
like most sports, boys and men who do not fit the socially acceptable norms of manliness
risk alienation 16.
Rather than viewing the ‘problem of the dancing male’ as being about the minimal
number of males who participate in dance related activities, Gard seeks to redefine
the ‘problem’ to concentrate not on number, but on the sexist and homophobic characterisation
of dance generally 17. With this in mind, it becomes clear that the problem (of the
dancing male) is not one which can be fixed by making dance more ‘male-friendly’,
but by finding ways of accepting different expressions of male-ness 18.
One of the challenges then, is for dance creators and educators to locate and foster
spaces where boys and men can express themselves through dance. Below are examples
of how and where this has been done.
12 Gard, M "Dancing around
the ‘Problem’ of Boys and Dance" Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics
of Education Vol 22(2) 2001 pp213 — 225 at 216
13 Latham in DeFrantz, T "Simmering Passivity: The Black Male Body
in Concert Dance" in Morris, G ed Moving Words: Re-writing Dance Routledge London
1996, at 113
14 DeFrantz, T "Simmering Passivity: The Black Male Body in Concert
Dance" in Morris, G ed Moving Words: Re-writing Dance Routledge London 1996
15 Indeed, Patrick Harding Irmer, who danced with LCDT during this time,
comments that Australian dance needs more strong male dancers on stage if it is too
encourage male dancing.
16 Gard, M "Dancing around the ‘Problem’ of Boys and Dance"
Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education Vol 22(2) 2001 pp213 — 225
at 223
17 Gard, M "Dancing around the ‘Problem’ of Boys and Dance"
Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education Vol 22(2) 2001 pp213 — 225
18 As an interesting comparison, Paul, 27, learned about dancing through
movies and music video clips. He loves movement and dance, but feels that the current
trends in male dance (as represented on video clips) are too feminine. "They
make me, as a heterosexual man, uncomfortable". Although Paul is calling for
dance to be more ‘manly’, he is also attempting to locate an expression of dance
which feels right to him.
Finding Spaces
"Dancing at discos and parties is cool ‘cause you can do any [sort of]
dancing you like": Alex, 10.
1) Stamping Ground
Stamping Ground is a dance festival which was created by dancer and teacher Peter
Stock six years ago and is held annually each January in Bellingen, NSW. Its principal
objective is to showcase male dance. What it in fact does is provide spaces for men
(boys and adults, beginners and professionals) to experience, play with, and express
themselves through dance in a comfortable, supportive and shared environment. The
Stamping Ground festival includes a broad tuition program including workshops in
tap, funk, traditional African and Indigenous Australian dancing, acrobatics, stunt
work, aerial dance, physical theatre and dance therapy. It also showcases the work
of professional male dancers as well as various workshop participants in public performances
over the course of the two and a half week festival.
All classes are taught by men, which provides excellent role models for the younger
boys and assists in eroding the cultural prejudices which our society imposes on
male dance. Despite its determined objectives regarding male dance, Stamping Ground
also welcomes female participants, partly out of a belief that "girl dancers
and mums need to encourage boys to participate in the arts experience" 19.
Stamping Ground provides an excellent example of how space can be created/located
to foster and encourage male dancing by emphasising different expressions of maleness.
It also assists in creating general awareness of male dance, particularly amongst
boys.
2) Bootmen
Bootmen was the 2000 film which derived from the success of the theatrical
dance show, Tap Dogs, created by Dein Perry. Tap Dogs, as discussed
above, represented itself as an overt attempt to masculinise tap dancing — and despite
its box office success, the energy of its performers and its relatively unique approach
— it did little else. The film however, provides a context that the show did not,
and therein presents an interesting example of how ‘space’ can be located to support
male dancing.
Bootmen is about a group of young men working in the Steelworks in Newcastle.
They all learned to tap dance as children, but have all since stopped dancing — either
(in the case of one of the men) because of a fear of prejudice and violence, or simply
because tap dancing no longer has any connection with their lives. The steelworks
announce closure and the loss of thousands of jobs, including theirs, and the group
sets about creating a dance show which expresses who they are. They end up performing
in an abandoned factory, making use of the metal beams and equipment within that
factory as a dance surface, and wearing overalls, flannel shirts, hard hats &
work boots as costumes. Rather than presenting as an overt attempt to prove that
tap can be ‘manly’, the film instead depicts a group of men who love to tap dance
and who have found a space and a style in which to do so which coincides with who
they are, where they live and what they do.
3) Breaking
Breaking is a form of dance which was created by American teenagers living in
the ghettos of Harlem, the Bronx and Brooklyn in the 1970s. A unique expression of
urban adolescent street culture, breaking is closely associated with the hiphop traditions
of graffiti and rapping. It was first brought to the attention of the media in the
early 1980s when, as the story goes, police were called to the scene of a teenage
‘riot’. The youth were, in fact, practising a form of competitive game/dance which
they called ‘breaking’. The dancers and onlookers form a loose circle and a member
of the group enters the ring (this entry being itself a component of the ‘dance’),
perform the footwork (usually on the floor and involving rapid spins where the body
is supported by the head and hands), followed by a "freeze", after which
the dancer returns to the outside of the circle. Often, individual dancers would
develop specialist freezes, allowing for individual expression.
As a form of street competition, the youths organised themselves into groups known
as ‘crews’, and each dancer would attempt to outdo the other — performing their freeze
as a challenge to the next dancer (from the opposing crew). On occasions, the dance
has been known to break out into violence between competing crews.
What began as an ‘underground’ form of urban adolescent expression was picked up
by the media and quickly became a worldwide obsession. It featured in the well known
Hollywood film Flashdance in 1983, made the cover of Newsweek in 1984
and the closing ceremony of the Los Angeles Olympics in the same year, and was the
topic of various films, talks shows, television ads and ‘how-to’ videos throughout
the 1980s. Some of the original ‘crews’ became successful performance artists, starring
in films and performing on stage. Michael Jackson sealed its fame, especially with
his ‘moonwalk’, and by the mid-80s, breaking was also happening in clubs, at children’s
dance recitals and at bar mitzvahs, and break dancing classes were being held throughout
the suburbs of America and other Western nations, including Australia.
Interestingly, break dancing was, at its grass roots level, an almost exclusively
male activity. This was perhaps because of the possibility of the dance turning violent,
or perhaps the competitive aspects of the dance appealed more to young boys rather
than girls. In any event, breaking was a means by which young urban males could lay
claim to the street and display and test both their honour and physical capacity.
It was a way in which the boys could find a ‘space’ within which to express
themselves through movement and dance.
It is interesting that, considering the incredible impact of break dancing during
the 1980s, not one of my respondents made reference to it. However, break dancing
provides an illustration of what some males may well be looking for in dance. For
example, Dave, 22, claims that if dancing had been more like gymnastics (more sporty,
dynamic and competitive) he "would have been more into it". Break dancing
could clearly have provided these elements for Dave.
4) Capoeira
Capoeira is a form of martial art/dance of Afro-Brazilian origin. It incorporates
acrobatic and dance style movements, as well as music, into the martial arts practice.
A Capoeira match (or "Jogo") takes place, like breaking, within a circle
of players. As members of the circle sing and play instruments, two players, called
"capoeiristas", enter and begin to spar. Capoeira emphasise the style and
expressiveness of the performers as much as their physical prowess, and the result
is flowing, rhythmic and dynamic. Although Capoeira can be performed by women, it
is a form of movement, which, because of the element of competition and overt physical
strength, has particularly masculine appeal. Again, none of my respondents referred
to it.
5) Billy Elliot
"Billy Elliot rules, because it shows boys can dance if they
like to": Alex, 10
The film Billy Elliot tells the story of a young boy living in a country village
in England who decides that he would rather learn ballet than play football, and
who aspires to join the Royal Academy of Dance in London, which he eventually succeeds
in doing. Billy Elliot was a box office success and has helped to encourage more
boys into dance 20. The film doesn’t attempt to make ballet more ‘manly’, it simply
makes it okay for ‘manly’ men to be ballerinas.
19 Sneddon, C "Stamping Ground
spawns Aussie Billy Elliots" unpublished 6th February 2002
20 Milner, C "Children of the dance revolution" The Age, Melbourne
22nd April 2002
Imagining Dance (Misconceptions)
"If someone told a blokey boy that there was tap dancing in the show
— then they’d say ‘No way, that’s for girls!’ — but if they just went along, and
saw it, they’d think ‘wow’ ": Max, 10 years old
Often the experiences which people have of dancing (both as spectators and participants)
are limited. When you combine this lack of real knowledge with a firmly established
stereotype which poses dancing as a non-masculine activity, dancing and dance forms
become ‘imagined’ in a way which does not necessarily accord with the reality of
what dance can be, and what it can offer (especially to men).
Dave, 22, appreciates gymnastics for its display of the "peak of physical perfection"
and feels that dance fails, in its subtlety, to assert the fitness and strength of
its performers in the same way. He feels that dance is difficult to appreciate with
an "untrained eye". George, 54, comments that the dancing styles of performers
like Fred Astaire displayed a degree of "dexterity, agility and mobility"
far greater than in other forms of dance and that Astaire’s dancing was "more
like gymnastics". This is an unusual comparison given the fluid, suave nature
of Astair’s tap dancing as against the work of, for example, physical theatre companies
such as Legs on the Wall 21.
Uri, 31, thinks that ballet is more "athletic" than other dance forms.
Again, an unusual association given the incredible physical dexterity and vivacity
displayed in many modern contemporary dance performances (a recent example is the
Garry Stewart’s Birdbrain) as compared to the often lyrical and delicate nature
of classical works. Lex, 41, whose experience of watching dance is minimal, does
not distinguish between ballet and contemporary dance forms. Given the enormous differences
between classical and other dance forms, this lack of differentiation by Lex suggests
at least the possibility that he might be positively surprised by the range of dance
forms which exist — and how different they might be to his imaging of what "ballet"
is.
These responses suggest that there is a distinct lack of knowledge about what sort
of theatrical dancing exists, and what these forms of dancing present. That is, the
imagining off dance tends to be based on stereotypical associations (particularly
those associated with ballet, or with experimental theatre), and whilst these do
exist, they do not represent the myriad of other dance forms and expressions currently
being presented in theatres. In addition, it is interesting to note that many of
elements which my respondents said they would like to see in dance, and which they
think are not a component of dance, actually are.
For example, a Legs on the Wall performance intertwines dance and physical theatre
with gymnastics to test the limits of its performer’s physical capacity and expression.
A production by Garry Stewart’s Australian Dance Theatre often sees the dancers fling
themselves aggressively around the stage in a fast-paced, action-packed display of
their physical dexterity and strength. A musical theatre performance will often incorporate
the dancing styles of Astaire and Kelly which so used to impress George and Paul.
In addition, it would appear that the stereotypical associations which the word ‘dancing’
conjured for my male respondents have the potential to be easily overcome by a real
experience of dance.
George, 54, perceives dance as a very feminine activity, but admits that, when he
did go to the ballet, he was incredibly impressed and intrigued by the capacity and
beauty of the dancers (both male and female).
Dave’s (22) first introduction to dance was at primary school when he was forced
to square dance with the girls. He hated it. He and his friends didn’t want to have
to touch the girls. It was "geeky" and it "sucked". But Dave
saw a Sydney Dance Company production a couple of years ago, "That was wicked!"
He recalls a male dancer who greatly impressed him with his control and enthusiasm.
He has similar reactions to the dance movies he has seen. Centre Stage was
a lame movie but the dancing was good. Bootmen was "awesome" and
"wicked", and Paul Mecurio, in Strictly Ballroom, was "inspirational".
Lex, 41, went to the ballet 22 two weeks ago "for the first and the last time". He
went on a date and expected to "sit there and be bored". Although he was
not particularly inspired by the performance itself, he was incredibly impressed
by the bodies of the male dancers. He talked on and on about the brilliant physique
that their naked torsos displayed, "those blokes have unbelievable bodies"
and "I would love to be built like those guys!". It is fascinating to note
that, although Lex ascribes to the stereotypical view of ballet dancers as ‘gay men
in tights’, he was still able to aspire to their physical stature.
What this suggests is that dance itself does not need to change, but rather what
needs to change is dance’s ‘imagining’.
20 Milner, C "Children of the
dance revolution" The Age, Melbourne 22nd April 2002
21 Legs on the Wall is a contemporary physical theatre company which
specialises in combining acrobatics, dance, aerial and circus skill into a narrative
framework. The Sydney based company was founded in 1984.
22 He referred to it as "ballet" but it was actually a contemporary
dance performance by the Sydney Dance Company.
Challenging Male Perceptions of Dance: Re-Imagining
Dance
My investigative research suggests that dance already possesses a great many
qualities which have the potential to appeal to a great many men. Indeed, many of
the men I interviewed were pleasantly surprised (if now awed) by their minimal experiences
of dance theatre. However, my research also suggests that, because of the persistence
of sexist and homophobic attitudes towards male dance, a great many men have little
real knowledge of dance, and instead misconceive dance to be homogeneously delicate,
effeminate and boring.
These misconceptions develop through a lack of male exposure to dance, and lack of
exposure to male dance. In addition, there is often little incentive for boys and
men to broaden their experiences of dance, especially if they fear harassment or
rejection from their peers, or if they lack encouragement from their parents. What
is required, then, is a re-imagining of male perceptions of dance and of male dance
generally.
In my opinion, re-imagining dance does not require dance to emphasise its more ‘manly’
attributes or to adapt itself in any way. Instead it requires an increase in the
knowledge and awareness that men (and women) have about male dancing in our society.
From a marketing perspective, this re-imagining doesn’t seem like such an arduous
task. After all, we have seen that dance already has the capacity to appeal to a
broad range of men and masculinities - not by creating an overtly masculinsed form
of dance, but by what it already is.
"You get sexy bodies on stage doing amazing things, and they’re predominantly
young and gorgeous….When you look at the wider culture, we’re into sexy bodies, beauty
and sport and virtuosity. Dance has a lot of potential appeal" 23 .
23 Jennifer Barry, as quoted in Meehan,
K "Dance selling fast in Chunky Move’s arcade" Dramatic Online (www.dramatic.com.au)
4th May 2001
The challenge is to teach our
boys and men that. To challenge the view that all dance is ballet, and that all ballet
is feminine. To encourage mums and dads to provide spaces for their boys to dance.
To find ways of attracting men to dance theatre productions so that they can see
for themselves what dance already offers them. To find spaces for men to dance, and
to create awareness of male dance as a vital form of artistic and personal expression.
And yet, whenever someone spoke of dance, his eyes lit up. He knew all the great
contemporary figures from the movies. Like so many French Canadians, he had memorised
them all. And his favourites were Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers. He would watch
their films unable to understand what they were saying, but was charmed by the wonder
of the dance. He’d shake his head in disbelief, as the scrawny Astaire glided across
the room.
"If you can dance", he said, "you can do anything".
Joanna Fishman
April 2002